Having read the headline over Iain Macwhirter's article in the Herald,
I scoured what followed looking for some statement from Nicola Sturgeon
quoted as evidence that the SNP is backing a "negative pro-EU
campaign". I wasn't disappointed. But only because I knew better than to
expect one. Instead of something - anything! - to justify the headline
all we get is some wild imaginings about and "alliance" between Sturgeon
and Tony Blair and the even more surreal notion of the First Minister
putting her signature next that of David Cameron on a new version of the
infamous "Vow".
The important thing to remember here is that none
of this is real. There is no Sturgeon/Blair "alliance". There is no
"Vow" with Nicola Sturgeon's signature on it. There is no SNP backing
for a "negative pro-EU campaign. None of this has actually happened.
Having seen it in print, the more susceptible British nationalists will
adopt it as fact. They can't help themselves. The rest of us really need
to avoid that kind of stupidity.
But this is not the limit of
Iain Macwhirter's imaginings. There's the fiction that "the SNP has
always held up Norway as the model for an independent Scotland". In
reality, independence supporters sometimes refer to certain aspects of
Norway's social and economic policy as examples which might inform
possible alternatives available to an independent Scotland. See the
difference?
Then we have possibly the most bizarre bit of
Macwhirter whimsy with the suggestion that the SNP is "keen on
relinquishing Scottish national sovereignty". Underlying this daft
comment is the inanely simplistic notion that the UK and the EU are the
same. The atrociously shallow idea that, because they are both political
unions, they must be identical. This is obvious nonsense. We don't have
to dig very deep at all to find an essential difference between the two
in the way each treats the matter of sovereignty.
The EU is an
association of nations founded on the defining principle of democracy -
pooled sovereignty. That's all democracy is. A pooling of our individual
sovereignty so as to facilitate the governance which makes large and
complex societies viable. Our individual sovereignty is not diminished
by this pooling. Neither does membership of the EU involve any
"relinquishing" of sovereignty.
Some will object that this
democratic pooling of sovereignty is an ideal which is far from fully
reflected in the institutions and procedures of the EU. But this refers
organisational and structural failures which betray the founding
principle, rather than evidence that this principle doesn't exist or
isn't relevant. In the same way that denying an individual or group
their due according to the principle of inalienable human rights does
not negate those right, so the organisational defects and deficiencies
of the EU do not alter or eradicate the principle of pooled sovereignty
upon which this political union was founded.
The UK could hardly
be more different. The political union between Scotland and England was
not a pooling of sovereignty. It involved Scotland's national
sovereignty being subsumed into an entity which was effectively "Greater
England". It still is. But "Greater England" has now been re-branded as
"Britain". The concept of pooled sovereignty is anathema to the ruling
elites of the British state now just as it was inconceivable to the
predecessors of today's ruling elites when they contrived the political
union.
The EU is a bold, and in many regards successful
experiment, in post-imperial international association founded on noble
ideals of peaceful cooperation. For all its failings, it does a lot of
the things it's supposed to do passably well.
The UK is an archaic
and self-evidently dysfunctional arrangement born of avarice and lust
for power among a privileged few. For all its pompous posturing it
serves none of the people of these islands any better than one would
expect of a set-up devised in total disregard of their interests.
There
is no contradiction in seeking to restore Scotland's rightful
constitutional status, and with it the popular sovereignty which the
British state explicitly denies as it imposes the concept of
parliamentary sovereignty, while accepting the pooled sovereignty of the
EU. It is entirely reasonable to reject the idea that the people are
subordinate to a ruling elite operating as the Crown in Parliament while
embracing the idea of nations pooling sovereignty for mutual benefit.
It
makes perfect sense that Scotland should aspire to the capacity to
freely negotiate the terms on which it associates with other nations. A
capacity which those other nations assume to be theirs as of right.
There
inevitably will be a "Project Fear 2016". But there is no more reason
to suppose that the SNP will be part of this negative campaign than
there is evidence that they are in Iain Macwhirter's article. The fact
that we are still waiting for the oft-promised but never delivered
"positive case for the (UK) union" doesn't mean we can't make a positive
case for remaining in the EU.
The difference between a negative
and a positive campaign lies in the fact that the latter offers an
alternative. A positive campaign is not one which totally eschews
pointing out potential negative implications. It is a campaign in which
the negative implications being highlighted are both realistic and,
crucially, weighed against positive arguments.
The SNP would be
derelict in its duty if it failed to inform people of the potential
detriment to Scotland of withdrawal from the EU. It would be
irresponsible not to point out the flaws and fallacies in the anti-EU
propaganda that will saturate much of the media. That is not
problematic, and does not qualify as negative campaigning, so long as it
avoids the dishonest, fantastical, sensationalised doom-mongering of
the anti-independence campaign. And so long as it is accompanied by an
honest and pragmatic assessment of what Scotland gains from being part
of the EU.
It would be extremely foolish to assume that the SNP
had not learned lessons from the first referendum campaign and the all
too frequently appalling behaviour of unionists. I hadn't taken Iain
Macwhirter for such a fool.
It's amusing to watch Mr Bell tie himself up in knots over the EU.
ReplyDeleteEspecially with sub-standard piffle like this;
"Neither does membership of the EU involve any "relinquishing" of sovereignty."
Oh dear, oh dear!
Really Peter?
Where have you been all these years, not heard of qualified majority voting?
Still peddling the tired old "Independent in Europe" line?
Go tell that to the Greeks, who had terms imposed on them!
What happened to their sovereignty?
I can do no better than to counter the steaming pile of nonsense that Mr Bell has written about his favourite constitutional hobby horse.
Than to quote Jim Fairlie;
"SNP supporters condemn Sillars being on same side of EU debate as UKIP but quite happy on same side as Tory Government, same lame arguments"
https://twitter.com/JimFairlie/status/691703420093333505
Just like all the arguments you have made above Peter...
But its fun watching your contortions over this issue.
And yet you haven't been able to counter any of the arguments. You have succeeded only in demonstrating that you failed to understand them.
DeleteThat's OK. Politics can be complicated. It's not for everybody.